Tracy’s
Qualitative Research Methods
Ch.
6: Field Roles, Fieldnotes, and Field Focus
Whereas once, the idea of “going
native” (participating too fully in the scene) was considered a bad thing,
modern qualitative researchers believe that this is the only way to fully
understand the emotionality of participants. The phrase, which has colonialist
undertones, assumes that researchers must remain detached and objective, a perspective
that is generally rejected by qualitative scholars. Instead, we ought to consider our place in
the scene to be one gauged by degree of enmeshment and overlapping roles. We
must ask which standpoint of participation is appropriate for the project, and
what kind of data would best maximize outcomes and minimize limitations?
When researchers study places or
groups to which they are already a member, it is called complete participation.
This gives more incentive to the researcher to spend time in the field. The
availability of data is far greater than in other contexts, and it allows for
greater insight into motivations, meanings, and assumptions. Researchers must
remember, however, to pursue others’ interpretations as well as their own. If
the researcher assumes the values and ideologies of the studied group, they are
called an ardent activist. The challenges that come with this type of
participation are the ethical problems and the potential feeling of deception
by participants. Deception may be necessary, though, when studying contexts
that otherwise would not divulge information, such as studying “up the
hierarchy.” Being so heavily enmeshed in a culture may also mean that the
researcher has a hard time distinguishing unique values.
If a researcher enters a new culture
and improvises or assumes membership in a temporary way, they are called a play
participant. They watch and join in, but do so entirely to gain greater
understanding of the culture. When the researcher joins in, but remains
skeptical, they are called a controlled skeptic. Being a play participant means
that the researcher is able to get close to those on the scene, and they go
beyond basic reporting. This can sometimes be uncomfortable for the researcher.
It is also easier for the play participant to make data recordings, while the
complete participant usually does not have time or ability to do so. It is also
easier for play participants to take breaks. One of the biggest challenges is
in keeping good standing with the participants and making them feel that the
research will not harm them.
The focused participant observer is
a researcher who “enters a scene with an explicit researcher status and a clear
agenda of what data to gather in the scene.” This approach can include
structured interviews, but without long-term participation. The field work with
this type of role is highly structured, and it doesn’t last as long as other
types of field work. The benefits of this type of work include the well-defined
research plan, the low time commitment, and the ability to avoid recurring negotiations
of access. It is, however, limited to the data that participants are willing to
reveal about themselves, and it takes a necessary etic approach.
The complete observer is one that is
unobtrusive or on the peripheral. They do not participate in the scene.
Participants are not aware that they are being studied. A positive
characteristic of this is the ease of access. It also is usually granted exempt
IRB status. The risk taken in this kind of research is the observer’s
detachment from the scene. There is no questioning of the actors, and so it is
difficult to gauge motivations or feelings. It is possible that
misinterpretations can arise, fueled by ethnocentrism.
Writing
Fieldnotes
Field notes are narrations of the
observations taken in the field. The process begins with raw records—the notes
jotted down during the act of observing. It is a good idea not to write about
what you are seeing as you see it. In some cases, you can bring along a camera
or videocam, but this must be included in the IRB application. Voice recorders
can also be particularly useful. The method used should be chosen by
considering efficiency, reliability and durability, personal comfort,
organizational skills, and the way you personally make sense of data. Even if
you are not able to take notes, it is possible to get some fieldnotes out of
memory. These can take the form of headnotes—“focused memories of specific
events, as well as impressions and evaluations of the unfolding project”
(Linklof & Taylor, 2002, p. 159).
Fieldnotes should be written within
a day and a half of having done fieldwork. You should try not to talk to anyone
about the experience, because the conversation can color your recollections. The
fieldnote should be created in a new file with a significant identifying name.
It is helpful to put names to the episodes in the header of the document. The
header is also a place for location and source of data. The fieldnote should be
written quickly, without concern about enforcing a particular style. There
should be some kind of organizational element, whether you start from a high
point and work around it or write in a chronological fashion. They can also be
organized as sketches or episodes. It is a good idea to end fieldnotes with a
to do list. There can also be an ongoing cast of characters file in a separate
document that keeps descriptions of certain recurring figures. Good fieldnotes
should be clear, vivid, detailed, showing (rather than telling), full of
dialogue, and complete with your interpretations.
Lindhof and Taylor recommend that
fieldnotes should take up 10 double-spaced pages for each hour of participant
observation. Goffman suggests three to five. Tracy notes that it depends, and length
is not always equal to quality. If they are too long, fieldnotes can become
cumbersome.
Fieldnotes should be concerned with
showing things so that a reader would come to the same conclusion as the writer
without being told what to think. Good fieldnotes also elaborate on tacit knowledge.
They include descriptions of concrete, sensory detail. It is important to
include nonverbal behavior. When you can include sentences or phrases directly
from the scene, these are called in vivo terms.
Another important thing to attempt
in fieldnotes is to make the familiar strange and the strange familiar. They
should explain things in a way that renews perception. This can be done by
pointing out peculiarities about otherwise ordinary situations or familiarities
in otherwise strange ones.
Fieldnotes should also include
analysis, which can come in the form of the researcher’s reactions, doubts,
prejudices, frustrations, and interpretations of the scene. These can take the
form of analytic reflections, which are commentary from the researcher about
these feelings. They can be brief and reflective, more elaborate and focusing
on specific issues, or more sustained analyses.
Focusing
the Data and Using Heuristic Devices
When researchers start questioning
what kinds of data to collect, they should consider visiting the periphery.
This can allow you to compare things like the typical to the extraordinary and
the peripheral with the marginal. Data can come in three forms:
typical/representational, negative/disconfirming, and exceptional/discrepant. Systematization
can be facilitated through heuristic models—“conceptual tool kits that
stimulate further investigation, learning, and thinking.” These can include
processes like examining rituals or cultural scripts. Tracy advocates looking
at the following: Space/scene, frontstage/backstage, objects and artifacts,
actors and agents, roles and types, activities, interactions, time,
goals/purpose, feelings, power relations, values, communication, and processes.
As the researcher decides just which facets of the culture they are interested
in, they can begin selective observation.
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