Hammersly & Atkinson's Ethnography, Ch. 1 - 10

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 1

Positivism includes the assumptions that research should follow experimental guidelines, it should produce universal or statistical laws, and all knowledge is rooted in observation.

Naturalism refers to the belief that knowledge comes from the study of the social world in its natural state—without researcher interference.

Both positivism and naturalism lack reflexivity; they rely on situated observation but do not acknowledge the role of the researcher. In ethnography, reflexivity is the basis of knowledge.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 2

In ethnography, researchers usually enter with some degree of foreshadowed problems, but they need to be careful not to let their ideas of problems define what they observe in the field. Furthermore, entering the field in hopes of testing a particular theory can be problematic for the same reason. As the researcher spends time in the field, they will most likely change or refine their research questions, being sure to pursue what is already there, not what they are trying to see. Part of this work can be described as either moving from the formal to substantive (theory -> observation) or substantive to formal/generic (observation -> theory/generalization).

The setting of the research also plays a large role in deciding the research question. It is a good idea to check out places being considered for an ethnography before choosing settings. After all, there are usually many settings to choose from to address the kinds of questions that you want to address. Ethnographers do not, technically, study settings—their work is in studying the populations in the settings. It is impossible to account for everything within the setting.

Sampling in ethnography refers to the choice of cases and cases within cases in a study. Sampling should aim to be representative of the culture studied. The act of sampling is the implicit choice of what is and is not relevant to the topic studied. Sampling can be decided on the basis of time (when to sample), people (who to sample), and context (where to sample).

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 3

Access is a major issue that ethnographers have to deal with. It can involve having to create or use interpersonal relationships with people of power in order to be able to visit or observe certain sites. Even the act of negotiating access can teach the ethnographer a great deal about the culture. Access also brings up issues of ethics (who can grant access isn’t always who ought to grant access) and behavior (just because you are present does not make you a welcome part of the scene).

The people who have the power to let you into a particular setting or scene are known as gatekeepers. They can have formal (clearance) or informal (integral member of culture) roles that give them this power. Sometimes gatekeepers are not the sole individuals needed to gain access to a site. They can be constrained by other individuals, rules, or laws.

When researchers cannot gain access to a field through gatekeepers, it is sometimes possible to do covert research in which the study is not announced to anyone. This can be a constraint on the research, limiting the kinds of data collection you can do. It is also a significant ethical issue.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 4

For most participants, the ethnographer will initially be treated with suspicion, but this will dissipate as contact increases. However, this is not always the case. Sometimes participants misjudge the intentions of the ethnographer or assume that they are ignorant of the practices of the culture. As a result, the researcher has to engage in impression management by doing things like dressing like the people studied. Expertise and specialist knowledge can be useful in structuring relationships with participants in the field. Researchers must also decide on what level of self-disclosure is appropriate and whether or not they are trading friendship for data.

Researchers should be aware of their unmanageable characteristics (gender, age, ethnicity, etc.) that can have effects on how they relate to people in the field. Women can have trouble gaining access to certain areas (either because of actual rules or just established norms), and men can have trouble gaining access to settings and situations usually reserved for women. By the same token, these characteristics can make it easier to gain access to those areas that privilege such characteristics.

The early stages of research often involve learning the basic competencies for participating in the culture. During this time, the researcher is often granted the same grace as any new member of a culture—“acceptable incompetence.” This leads to one of the problems of studying a culture that you are already a part of—you cannot hold a novice position, and thus you miss all of the knowledge learned about the status of being a novice.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 5

Because the ‘objects’ that ethnographers study are actually ‘subjects,’ collecting accounts becomes a hugely important part of research. Accounts can be both unsolicited and solicited. The former is generally thought to be more natural or more purposeful, which could be considered a naturalist perspective. We cannot be too heavily concerned with the influence of the researcher asking for accounts because there is no way to ever know if the data is compromised, including unsolicited accounts.

The act of choosing who to interview can have several effects on the research. Simply choosing those that are interesting to the researcher can be, in some ways, biased. Using a gatekeeper to select the respondents gives them the power to direct the results. Allowing the participants to self-select guarantees that the only perspectives heard are those that would want to be heard. The interview itself can be seen as a new site of participation—a “resource rather than a problem.”

Interviews are structured both by the ethnographer and the respondent. Using non-directive interviews requires the researcher to be an active listener, following up on important or interesting details to make the interview worthwhile.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 6

It is important to pay attention to documents, physical objects, and various modes of communication. They can provide a source of information that does not come out in interviews or participation about the setting and context of the observation. They can also be a starting point for analytic ideas. Documents can be either solicited or unsolicited. The former can take the form of diaries or written accounts.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 7

Researcher should try to record as much as they can. Memory is faulty, and it should not be the basis for analysis. Recording anything means that the researcher is choosing not to record something at the same time. It is selective, and something will always be left out. This alone is not reason to abandon recording data. This means that there will also always be interpretation, because recording cannot capture every bit of meaning attached to anything. Choosing to record can also have effects on the participants, and we need to account for this in our interpretations.

Ethnographers should use a reflexive eye when considering recorded data. Recorded data can be useful, not just for capturing specific data, but for use in determining what is usual or unusual in the field or for testing out conceptual links. The recordings can also provide information about the researcher and how the participants react to the researcher.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 8

Data analysis occurs at every stage of ethnographic work. However, there are no guaranteed ways of doing data analysis that will make an ethnography successful. Using data to theorize should be an iterative process, emerging as analysis occurs.

Ethnography work can be largely descriptive, using techniques such as making the strange familiar/making the familiar strange. It can also attempt to explain or create theoretical models. In analysis, ethnographers should search for concepts or theories that help make sense of the cases in the data. One way of analyzing unstructured data can be to use theoretical concepts as categories and to begin sorting data into those categories. As this work continues, the researcher can find data that calls for new categories or that strikes interesting comparisons with existing categories. This can also lead to the establishment of relationships between constructs.

Other systems for working with data can be creating conceptual maps, working up grounded theory, and creating typologies. It is important to find concrete indicators within the data that link to the concepts you are using to theorize. The links can take the form of social context, time, or personnel (who does/says what). When finished, the researcher should seek respondent validation. The conclusions should seem correct/intuitive to those within the population studied.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 9

Ethnography is produced through writing, and the production is just as much writing as it is the data collection. Depending on how the ethnography is written up, it will emphasize different facets of the study. The particular theories or concepts used in the ethnography will dictate what should be focused on. The ethnographer generally writes as a storyteller; because experience is data, the experience must somehow be conveyed. The writing will be read by an audience, and so the narrative must be compelling (or at least readable).

Writing up an ethnography can take either thematic or chronological arrangements. The former is useful for explaining constructs that are ordered in term of importance. The researcher should be careful when using metaphor and synecdoche. While they shouldn’t be eliminated, they can be used in ways that mislead or over-simplify. They should also consider the role of narrative, irony, and topos. When appropriate, or when writing for a digital form, the ethnographer can include extra data such as photos or recordings, though doing so may raise certain ethical issues.

Hammersly & Atkinson Ch. 10

There are many issues that ethnographers have to make ethical choices about. These can include informed consent (how/to what degree does the ethnographer attain consent from participants?), privacy (how is privacy guaranteed and where is it expected?), harm (does the ethnographer do any harm either in their participation or publishing of information?), exploitation (to what degree is the ethnographic work exploiting a community, and can the ethnographer do anything to give back?), and consequences for future research (does the ethnographer’s work preclude further studies?).